By Daisuke Ikemoto (auth.)
The first systematic research of why Britain and France parted corporation at the factor of eu financial integration. Ikemoto unearths that Britain was once a lot keener to take part within the early levels of economic integration than formerly idea; Britain and France pursued largely comparable rules at the factor till the tip of the 1970s.
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The 1st systematic research of why Britain and France parted corporation at the factor of eu financial integration. Ikemoto unearths that Britain was once a lot keener to take part within the early phases of financial integration than formerly notion; Britain and France pursued extensively comparable guidelines at the factor till the tip of the Nineteen Seventies.
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Additional info for European Monetary Integration 1970–79: British and French Experiences
From this summary, it might appear that the role of political parties in his theory is limited. In reality, however, political parties and competition between them occupy a pivotal place in Haas’ explanation of European political integration, that is, the emergence of a new political community on a continental scale. To understand his analysis, distinguishing between ideology and nationalism (national identity) is very important. The beliefs common to otherwise antagonistic groups will be called the nationalism of a given community, while the doctrines peculiar to a group will be referred to as ideology.
Paradoxically, a theory of transnational integration can derive considerable comfort from this ﬁnding. In the absence of the initial agreement of all parties to integration on the precise motives for working toward political community, the fact that a variety of motives are dominant in each national unit actually facilitates the emergence of supranational ideologies at a later stage. … In the effort to give a Socialist, Christian or Liberal stamp to the emerging pattern of interdependence, the political actor is compelled to work through the medium of new central symbols.
The level of Britain’s ﬁnancial contribution to the EEC budget and how it would increase after accession also had to be negotiated. 11 The Cabinet also decided to make an effort to ‘break the back of the negotiation’ before July 1971, so that Britain could be a member of an enlarged European Community by January 1973. 12 Therefore, it seems that at this stage the government did not try very hard to win Labour’s support for its European policy. The government’s statement on 30 June contained only a brief mention of EMU: the government welcomed the initiative of EMU and expressed its willingness to go along with the rest of the EEC.